A Tomb in Jerusalem Reveals the History of Crucifixion and Roman Crucifixion Methods

The tomb of Yehohanan contains first physical evidence of crucifixion in antiquity

Biblical Archaeology Society Staff   •  07/22/2011

In the history of crucifixion, the death of Jesus of Nazareth stands out as the best-known example by far. Crucifixion in antiquity was actually a fairly common punishment, but there were no known physical remains from a crucifixion. Then, in 1968, archaeologist Vassilios Tzaferis excavated a Jerusalem tomb that contained the bones of a crucified man named Yehohanan. As Tzaferis reported in BAR (see below), the discovery demonstrated the brutal reality of Roman crucifixion methods in a way that written accounts never had before.

The practice of crucifixion in antiquity was brought to life as never before when the heel bones of a young man named Yehohanan were found in a Jerusalem tomb, pierced by an iron nail. The discovery shed new light on Roman crucifixion methods and began to rewrite the history of crucifixion in antiquity. Photo: ©Erich Lessing

The Romans were not the only people to practice crucifixion in antiquity. The history of crucifixion extends as far back as the Assyrians, Phoenicians and Persians of the first millennium B.C., as well as some Greeks throughout the Hellenized world. Even so, the most detailed accounts are of Roman crucifixion methods.
Initially the practice served only as a punishment and humiliation, usually for slaves, and did not necessarily result in death. As Roman crucifixion methods evolved, however, it became a means to execute foreign captives, rebels and fugitives. During times of war or rebellion, crucifixions could number in the hundreds or thousands. The convicted could sometimes hang in agony for days before expiring.
Despite the long history of crucifixion in antiquity, the discovery of Yehohanan’s remains offered scientists the first opportunity to study the process of crucifixion and Roman crucifixion methods up close. The bones were found in an ossuary, or bone box, inscribed several times with Yehohanan’s name (“Yehohanan son of Hagakol”). This ossuary, along with several others, had been placed in a tomb complex consisting of two chambers and 12 burial niches. During the Roman period (first century B.C.–first century A.D.) Jews who could afford this type of burial would lay out the dead bodies of loved ones on stone benches in rock-cut tombs. A year later, after the flesh had desiccated, the bones were collected into an ossuary and left in the tomb with those of other family members.
Examination of Yehohanan’s bones showed one of the many Roman crucifixion methods. Both of his feet had been nailed together to the cross with a wooden plaque while his legs were bent to one side. His arm bones revealed scratches where the nails had passed between. Both legs were badly fractured, most likely from a crushing blow meant to end his suffering and bring about a faster death. Yehohanan was probably a political dissident against Roman oppression. In death his bones have helped fill in gaps in the history of crucifixion.
Below, read the original report from BAR written by Vassilios Tzaferis about his excavation of the tomb of Yehohanan in Jerusalem.

Crucifixion—The Archaeological Evidence

by Vassilios Tzaferis
From ancient literary sources we know that tens of thousands of people were crucified in the Roman Empire. In Palestine alone, the figure ran into the thousands. Yet until 1968 not a single victim of this horrifying method of execution had been uncovered archaeologically.
In that year I excavated the only victim of crucifixion ever discovered. He was a Jew, of a good family, who may have been convicted of a political crime. He lived in Jerusalem shortly after the turn of the era and sometime before the Roman destruction of Jerusalem in 70 A.D.
In the period following the Six Day War—when the Old City and East Jerusalem were newly under Israeli jurisdiction—a great deal of construction was undertaken. Accidental archaeological discoveries by construction crews were frequent. When that occurred, either my colleagues at the Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums or I would be called in; part of our job was to investigate these chance discoveries.
In late 1968 the then Director of the Department, Dr. Avraham Biran, asked me to check some tombs that had been found northeast of Jerusalem in an area called Giv‘at ha-Mivtar. A crew from the Ministry of Housing had accidentally broken into some burial chambers and discovered the tombs. After we looked at the tombs, it was decided that I would excavate four of them.
The tombs were part of a huge Jewish cemetery of the Second Temple period (second century B.C. to 70 A.D.), extending from Mt. Scopus in the east to the Sanhedriya tombs in the northwest. Like most of the tombs of this period, the particular tomb I will focus on here was cut, cave-like, into the soft limestone that abounds in Jerusalem. The tomb consisted of two rooms or chambers, each with burial niches.
This particular tomb (which we call Tomb No. 1) was a typical Jewish tomb, just like many others found in Jerusalem. On the outside, in front of the entrance to the tomb, was a forecourt (which, unfortunately, had been badly damaged). The entrance itself was blocked by a stone slab and led to a large, carved-out cave chamber, nearly 10 feet square (Chamber A on the plan). On three sides of the chamber were stone benches, intentionally left by the carver of the chamber. The fourth wall contained two openings leading down to another, lower chamber (Chamber B on the plan) that was similar in design to the first but had no benches. When we found Chamber B, its entrance was still blocked with a large stone slab.

Tomb 1 at Giv‘at ha Mivtar had two chambers, A and B, that contained a total of 12 loculi, or burial niches. In one wall of chamber A was a large stone slab that blocked the entrance to the lower chamber B. Chamber B was at a sufficiently lower level so that loculi 11 and 12 could be carved under the floor of chamber A. Adapted from Israel Exploration Journal Vol. 20, Numbers 1–2, (1970)

Each of the two chambers contained burial niches that scholars call loculi (singular: loculus), about five to six feet long and a foot to a foot and a half wide. In Chamber A, there were four loculi and in Chamber B, eight—two on each side. In Chamber B the two loculi carved into the wall adjacent to Chamber A were cut under the floor of Chamber A.

A cross section view of the tomb shows how it would look if an imaginary vertical slice were cut through it between the points marked on the plan with arrows at loculi 1 and 8. Adapted from Israel Exploration Journal Vol. 20, Numbers 1–2, (1970)

Some of the loculi were sealed by stone slabs; others were blocked by small undressed stones that had been covered with plaster. In Chamber B, in the floor by the entrance to Chamber A, a child’s bones had been buried in a small pit. The pit was covered by a flat stone slab, similar to the ossuary lids I shall describe later.
Nine of the 12 loculi in the two tomb chambers contained skeletons, usually only one skeleton to a loculus. However, three of the loculi (Loculi 5, 7 and 9) contained ossuaries. Ossuaries are small boxes (about 16 to 28 inches long, 12 to 20 inches wide and 10 to 16 inches high) for the secondary burial of bones. During this period, it was customary to collect the bones of the deceased after the body had been buried for almost a year and the flesh had decomposed. The bones were then reinterred in an ossuary. The practice of collecting bones in ossuaries had a religious significance that was probably connected with a belief in the resurrection of the dead. But this custom was also a practical measure; it allowed a tomb to be used for a prolonged period. As new burials became necessary, the bones of earlier burials were removed and placed in an ossuary. Reburial in an ossuary was, however, a privilege for the few; not every Jewish family could afford them. Most families reburied the bones of their dead in pits. The use of stone ossuaries probably began during the Herodian dynasty (which began in 37 B.C.) and ended in the second half of the second century A.D.

Ossuaries discovered in the Giv‘at ha-Mivtar tombs. Made of local limestone, these ossuaries display various incised decorations. Concentric circles within a grid of squares may have symbolic meaning, or they may be merely ornamental. This ossuary contained the bones of a woman named Martha, whose name was inscribed on the opposite side.

Thousands of ossuaries have been found in cemeteries around Jerusalem. Most, like the ones we found, are carved from soft local limestone. The workmanship varies. Some that we found in the tomb have a smooth finish over all their surfaces, including the lids. Others, especially the larger ossuaries, are cruder; the surfaces were left unsmoothed and the marks of the cutting tools are clearly visible.

Ossuaries discovered in the Giv‘at ha-Mivtar tombs. Made of local limestone, these ossuaries display various incised decorations. A man, a woman, and a child were buried in this ossuary decorated with two six-petaled rosettes within circles. Between the two rosettes an Aramaic inscription reads: Yhwntn qdrh, “Jehonathan the potter.”

The ossuaries are variously decorated with incised lines, rosettes and sometimes inscriptions. Ossuary lids are of three types: gabled, flat and convex. We found all three types in our tomb. Often, ossuaries bear scratched marks at one end, extending onto the edge of the lid. These marks served to show how the lid was to be fitted onto the ossuary.

Scratched on an ossuary found in Tomb 1 at Giv’at ha-Mivtar is a symbol that resembles an asterisk. The identical symbol on the lid shows the user how to align the lid when closing the ossuary.

Of the eight ossuaries we found in this tomb, three were in situ in loculi in Chamber B; the other five were discovered in Chamber B in the middle of the floor.
We also found a considerable quantity of pottery in the tomb. Because all the pottery was easily identifiable, we were able to date the tomb quite accurately. The entire assemblage can be dated with certainty between the late Hellenistic period (end of the second century B.C., about 180 B.C.) to the Roman destruction of the Second Temple (70 A.D.). However, the bulk of the pottery dates to the period following the rise of the Herodian dynasty in 37 B.C. The assemblage included so-called spindle bottles^a (probably used for aromatic balsam), globular juglets (for oil), oil lamps and even some cooking pots.
The skeletal finds indicate that two generations were buried in this tomb. No doubt this was the tomb of a family of some wealth and perhaps even prominence. The eight ossuaries contained the bones of 17 different people. Each ossuary contained the bones of from one to five people. The ossuaries were usually filled to the brim with bones, male and female, adult and child, interred together. One ossuary also held a bouquet of withered flowers.

Ossuaries discovered in the Giv‘at ha-Mivtar tombs. Made of local limestone, these ossuaries display various incised decorations. Six-petaled rosettes and concentric circles decorate a small ossuary that contained the bones of two children.

As we shall see from the inscriptions, at least one member of this family participated in the building of Herod’s temple. But despite the wealth and achievement of its members, this family was probably not a happy one.
An osteological examination showed that five of the 17 people whose bones were collected in the ossuaries died before reaching the age of seven. By age 37, 75 percent had died. Only two of the 17 lived to be more than 50. One child died of starvation, and one woman was killed when struck on the head by a mace.
And one man in this family had been crucified. He was between 24 and 28 years old, according to our osteologists.
Strange though it may seem, when I excavated the bones of this crucified man, I did not know how he had died. Only when the contents of Ossuary No. 4 from Chamber B of Tomb No. 1 were sent for osteological analysis was it discovered that it contained one three- or four-year-old child and a crucified man—a nail held his heel bones together. The nail was about 7 inches (17–18 cm) long.
Before examining the osteological evidence, I should say a little about crucifixion. Many people erroneously assume that crucifixion was a Roman invention. In fact, Assyrians, Phoenicians and Persians all practiced crucifixion during the first millennium B.C. Crucifixion was introduced in the west from these eastern cultures; it was used only rarely on the Greek mainland, but Greeks in Sicily and southern Italy used it more frequently, probably as a result of their closer contact with Phoenicians and Carthaginians.¹
During the Hellenistic period, crucifixion became more popular among the Hellenized population of the east. After Alexander died in 323 B.C., crucifixion was frequently employed both by the Seleucids (the rulers of the Syrian half of Alexander’s kingdom) and by the
Ptolemies (the rulers of the Egyptian half).
Among the Jews crucifixion was an anathema. (See Deuteronomy 21:22–23: “If a man is guilty of a capital offense and is put to death, and you impale him on a stake, you must not let his corpse remain on the stake overnight, but must bury him the same day. For an impaled body is an affront to God: you shall not defile the land that the Lord your God is giving you to possess.”)
The traditional method of execution among Jews was stoning. Nevertheless, crucifixion was occasionally employed by Jewish tyrants during the Hasmonean period. According to Josephus,² Alexander Jannaeus crucified 800 Jews on a single day during the revolt against the census of 7 A.D.
At the end of the first century B.C., the Romans adopted crucifixion as an official punishment for non-Romans for certain legally limited transgressions. Initially, it was employed not as a method of execution, but only as a punishment. Moreover, only slaves convicted of certain crimes were punished by crucifixion. During this early period, a wooden beam, known as a furca or patibulum was placed on the slave’s neck and bound to his arms. The slave was then required to march through the neighborhood proclaiming his offense. This march was intended as an expiation and humiliation. Later, the slave was also stripped and scourged, increasing both the punishment and the humiliation. Still later, instead of walking with his arms tied to the wooden beam, the slave was tied to a vertical stake.
Because the main purpose of this practice was to punish, humiliate and frighten disobedient slaves, the practice did not necessarily result in death. Only in later times, probably in the first century B.C., did crucifixion evolve into a method of execution for conviction of certain crimes.
Initially, crucifixion was known as the punishment of the slaves. Later, it was used to punish foreign captives, rebels and fugitives, especially during times of war and rebellion. Captured enemies and rebels were crucified in masses. Accounts of the suppression of the revolt of Spartacus in 71 B.C. tell how the Roman army lined the road from Capua to Rome with 6,000 crucified rebels on 6,000 crosses. After the Romans quelled the relatively minor rebellion in Judea in 7 A.D. triggered by the death of King Herod, Quintilius Varus, the Roman Legate of Syria, crucified 2,000 Jews in Jerusalem. During Titus’s siege of Jerusalem in 70 A.D., Roman troops crucified as many as 500 Jews a day for several months.
In times of war and rebellion when hundreds and even thousands of people were crucified within a short period, little if any attention was paid to the way the crucifixion was carried out. Crosses were haphazardly constructed, and executioners were impressed from the ranks of Roman legionaries.
In peacetime, crucifixions were carried out according to certain rules, by special persons authorized by the Roman courts. Crucifixions took place at specific locations, for example, in particular fields in Rome and on the Golgotha in Jerusalem. Outside of Italy, the Roman procurators alone possessed authority to impose the death penalty. Thus, when a local provincial court prescribed the death penalty, the consent of the Roman procurator had to be obtained in order to carry out the sentence.
Once a defendant was found guilty and was condemned to be crucified, the execution was supervised by an official known as the Carnifix Serarum. From the tribunal hall, the victim was taken outside, stripped, bound to a column and scourged. The scourging was done with either a stick or a flagellum, a Roman instrument with a short handle to which several long, thick thongs had been attached. On the ends of the leather thongs were lead or bone tips. Although the number of strokes imposed was not fixed, care was taken not to kill the victim. Following the beating, the horizontal beam was placed upon the condemned man’s shoulders, and he began the long, grueling march to the execution site, usually outside the city walls. A soldier at the head of the procession carried the titulus, an inscription written on wood, which stated the defendant’s name and the crime for which he had been condemned. Later, this titulus was fastened to the victim’s cross. When the procession arrived at the execution site, a vertical stake was fixed into the ground. Sometimes the victim was attached to the cross only with ropes. In such a case, the patibulum or crossbeam, to which the victim’s arms were already bound, was simply affixed to the vertical beam; the victim’s feet were then bound to the stake with a few turns of the rope.
If the victim was attached by nails, he was laid on the ground, with his shoulders on the crossbeam. His arms were held out and nailed to the two ends of the crossbeam, which was then raised and fixed on top of the vertical beam. The victim’s feet were then nailed down against this vertical stake.
Without any supplementary body support, the victim would die from muscular spasms and asphyxia in a very short time, certainly within two or three hours. Shortly after being raised on the cross, breathing would become difficult; to get his breath, the victim would attempt to draw himself up on his arms. Initially he would be able to hold himself up for 30 to 60 seconds, but this movement would quickly become increasingly difficult. As he became weaker, the victim would be unable to pull himself up and death would ensue within a few hours.
In order to prolong the agony, Roman executioners devised two instruments that would keep the victim alive on the cross for extended periods of time. One, known as a sedile, was a small seat attached to the front of the cross, about halfway down. This device provided some support for the victim’s body and may explain the phrase used by the Romans, “to sit on the cross.” Both Erenaeus and Justin Martyr describe the cross of Jesus as having five extremities rather than four; the fifth was probably the sedile. To increase the victim’s suffering, the sedile was pointed, thus inflicting horrible pain. The second device added to the cross was the suppedaneum, or foot support. It was less painful than the sedile, but it also prolonged the victim’s agony. Ancient historians record many cases in which the victim stayed alive on the cross for two or three or more days with the use of a suppedaneum. The church father Origen writes of having seen a crucified man who survived the whole night and the following day. Josephus refers to a case in which three crucified Jews survived on the cross for three days. During the mass crucifixions following the repression of the revolt of Spartacus in Rome, some of the crucified rebels talked to the soldiers for three days.³
Using this historical background and the archaeological evidence, it is possible to reconstruct the crucifixion of the man whose bones I excavated at Giv‘at ha-Mivtar.
The most dramatic evidence that this young man was crucified was the nail which penetrated his heel bones. But for this nail, we might never have discovered that the young man had died in this way. The nail was preserved only because it hit a hard knot when it was pounded into the olive wood upright of the cross. The olive wood knot was so hard that, as the blows on the nail became heavier, the end of the nail bent and curled. We found a bit of the olive wood (between 1 and 2 cm) on the tip of the nail. This wood had probably been forced out of the knot where the curled nail hooked into it.
When it came time for the dead victim to be removed from the cross, the executioners could not pull out this nail, bent as it was within the cross. The only way to remove the body was to take an ax or hatchet and amputate the feet. Thereafter, the feet, the nail and a plaque of wood that had been fastened between the head of the nail and the feet remained attached to one another as we found them in Ossuary No. 4. Under the head of the nail, the osteological investigators found the remains of this wooden plaque, made of either acacia or pistacia wood. The wood attached to the curled end of the nail that had penetrated the upright of the cross was, by contrast, olive wood.
At first the investigators thought that the bony material penetrated by the nail was only the right heel bone (calcaneum). This assumption initially led them to a mistaken conclusion regarding the victim’s position on the cross. Further investigation disclosed, however, that the nail had penetrated both heel bones. The left ankle bone (sustentaculum tali) was found still attached to the bone mass adjacent to the right ankle bone, which was itself attached to the right heel bone. When first discovered, the two heel bones appeared to be two formless, unequal bony bulges surrounding an iron nail, coated by a thick calcareous crust. But painstaking investigation gradually disclosed the makeup of the bony mass.^b
A word about the conditions under which the bones in the ossuaries were studied might be appropriate here. The medical team that studied the bones was given only four weeks to conduct their examination before the bones were reburied in a modern ceremony. Certain long-term preservation procedures were therefore impossible, and this precluded certain kinds of measurements and comparative studies. In the case of the crucified man, however, the investigators were given an additional period of time to study the materials, and it was during this period that the detailed conditions described here were discovered.
When removed from the tomb chamber, each of the eight ossuaries was one-third filled with a syrupy fluid. Strangely enough, the considerable moisture in the ossuaries resulted in a peculiar kind of preservation of the packed bones. The bones immersed in the fluid at the bottom of the ossuaries were coated with a limy sediment. As a result, the nailed heel bones were preserved in relatively good condition. Nevertheless, the overall condition of the bones must be described as fragile.
Before they were studied, the bones were first dehydrated and then impregnated with a preservative. Only then could they be measured and photographed.
Despite these limiting conditions, a detailed and very human picture of the crucified man gradually emerged. At 5 feet 6 inches (167 cm) tall, this young man in his mid- to late-twenties stood at about the mean height for Mediterranean people of the time. His limb bones were fine, slender, graceful and harmonious. The muscles that had been attached to his limb bones were lean, pointing to moderate muscular activity, both in childhood and after maturity. Apparently he never engaged in heavy physical labor. We can tell that he had never been seriously injured before his crucifixion, because investigators found no pathological deformations or any traumatic bony lesions. His bones indicated no marks of any disease or nutritional deficiency.
The young man’s face, however, was unusual. He had a cleft right palate—a congenital anomaly which was also associated with the congenital absence of the right upper canine tooth and the deformed position of several other teeth. In addition, his facial skeleton was asymmetric, slanting slightly from one side to the other (plagiocephaly). The eye sockets were at slightly different heights, as were the nasal apertures. There were differences between the left and right branches of the lower jaw bone, and the forehead was more flattened on the right side than on the left. Some of these asymmetries have a direct association with the cleft palate.

From drawings of Yehohanan’s skull, an artist has sketched a portrait of the young man who was crucified in the early first century A.D. Yehohanan’s face was slightly asymmetrical. This deformity was probably the result of two factors: Yehohanan’s mother may have been deprived of food or suffered some severe stress during the first weeks of her pregnancy, and the birth may have been a difficult one. Yehohanan had a cleft palate, his eyes, nostrils and jaws were at slightly different heights, and his forehead was flatter on the right side than on the left. But hair, beard and moustache probably disguised these irregularities. In fact, Yehohanan was a pleasant looking man whose graceful, muscular and perfectly proportioned body must have compensated for a less-than-perfect face. Courtesy Israel Exploration Journal Vol. 20, Numbers 1–2, (1970)

The majority of modern medical scholars ascribe a cleft palate (and some associated asymmetries of the face) not to a genetic factor but to a critical change in the manner of life of the pregnant woman in the first two or three weeks of pregnancy. This critical change has frequently been identified as an unexpected deterioration in the woman’s diet, in association with psychical stress. Statistically, this malformation occurs more frequently in chronically undernourished and underprivileged families than in the well-situated. But some catastrophe could cause sudden stress in the life of a well-to-do woman as well.
Other asymmetries of the facial skeleton may be attributable to disturbances in the final period of pregnancy or difficulties in delivery. Thus, our medical experts conjectured two prenatal crises in the life of this crucified man: one in the first few weeks of his mother’s pregnancy and the other, a most difficult birth.
To help determine the appearance of the face, the team of anatomical experts took 38 anthropological measurements, 28 other measurements, and determined four cranial indices. The general shape of the facial skeleton, including the forehead, was five-sided. Excluding the forehead, the face was triangular, tapering below eye level. The nasal bones were large, curved, tight in the upper region and coarse in the lower part. The man’s nose was curved and his chin robust, altogether a mild-featured facial skeleton.
Despite the prenatal anomalies, the man’s face must have been quite pleasant, although some might say that it must have been a bit wild. His defects were doubtless almost imperceptible, hidden by his hair, beard and moustache. His body was proportionate, agreeable and graceful, particularly in motion.
What his life was like, we cannot know. But he seems to have come from a comfortable, if not well-to-do family. One of the ossuaries (not the one containing the crucified man) was inscribed in Aramaic on the side: “Simon, builder of the Temple.” Apparently at least one member of the family participated in Herod’s lavish rebuilding of the Temple on Jerusalem’s Temple Mount. Simon may well have been a master mason or an engineer. Another ossuary was inscribed “Yehonathan the potter.”

“Simon, builder of the Temple.” The inscription on this ossuary found in the same Jewish tomb with the ossuary of Yehohanan tells posterity the part Simon played in history. Eight ossuaries containing the bones of 17 members of Simon and Yehohanan’s family were found in this tomb. Since not all families could afford limestone ossuaries for secondary burials, we know that this was a family of some wealth.

We may conjecture that during this turbulent period of history, our crucified man was sentenced to die by crucifixion for some political crime. His remains reveal the horrible manner of his dying.
From the way in which the bones were attached, we can infer the man’s position on the cross. The two heel bones were attached on their adjacent inside (medial) surfaces. The nail went through the right heel bone and then the left. Since the same nail went through both heels, the legs were together, not apart, on the cross.
A study of the two heel bones and the nail that penetrated them at an oblique angle pointing downward and sideways indicates that the feet of the victim were not fastened tightly to the cross. A small seat, or sedile must have been fastened to the upright of the cross. The evidence as to the position of the body on the cross convinced the investigators that the sedile supported only the man’s left buttock. This seat both prevented the collapse of the body and prolonged the agony.
Given this position on the cross and given the way in which the heel bones were attached to the cross, it seems likely that the knees were bent, or semi-flexed, as in the drawing. This position of the legs was dramatically confirmed by a study of the long bones below the knees, the tibia or shinbone and the fibula behind it.
Only the tibia of the crucified man’s right leg was available for study. The bone had been brutally fractured into large, sharp slivers. This fracture was clearly produced by a single, strong blow. The left calf bones were lying across the sharp edge of the wooden cross, and the percussion from the blow on the right calf bones passed into the left calf bones, producing a harsh and severing blow to them as well. The left calf bones broke in a straight, sharp-toothed line on the edge of the cross, a line characteristic of a fresh bone fracture. This fracture resulted from the pressure on both sides of the bone—on one side from the direct blow on the right leg and on the other from the resistance of the edge of the cross.

Crucifixion of Yehohanan. Study of the wounds on Yehohanan’s skeleton enabled osteologists to reconstruct his position on the cross. His arms were nailed above the wrists to the crossbeam. His legs were bent and twisted to one side, and a small sedile, or seat, supported only his left buttock. Courtesy Israel Exploration Journal Vol. 20, Numbers 1–2, (1970)

The angle of the line of fracture on these left calf bones provides proof that the victim’s legs were in a semi-flexed position on the cross. The angle of the fracture indicates that the bones formed an angle of 60° to 65° as they crossed the upright of the cross. This compels the interpretation that the legs were semi-flexed.
When we add this evidence to that of the nail and the way in which the heel bones were attached to the cross, we must conclude that this position into which the victim’s body was forced was both difficult and unnatural.
The arm bones of the victim revealed the manner in which they were attached to the horizontal bar of the cross. A small scratch was observed on one bone (the radius) of the right forearm, just above the wrist. The scratch was produced by the compression, friction and gliding of an object on the fresh bone. This scratch is the osteological evidence of the penetration of the nail between the two bones of the forearm, the radius and the ulna.
Christian iconography usually shows the nails piercing the palms of Jesus’ hands. Nailing the palms of the hands is impossible, because the weight of the slumping body would have torn the palms in a very short time. The victim would have fallen from the cross while still alive. As the evidence from our crucified man demonstrates, the nails were driven into the victim’s arms, just above the wrists, because this part of the arm is sufficiently strong to hold the weight of a slack body.^c
The position of the crucified body may then be described as follows: The feet were joined almost parallel, both transfixed by the same nail at the heels, with the legs adjacent; the knees were doubled, the right one overlapping the left; the trunk was contorted and seated on a sedile; the upper limbs were stretched out, each stabbed by a nail in the forearm.
The victim’s broken legs not only provided crucial evidence for the position on the cross, but they also provide evidence for a Palestinian variation of Roman crucifixion—at least as applied to Jews. Normally, the Romans left the crucified person undisturbed to die slowly of sheer physical exhaustion leading to asphyxia. However, Jewish tradition required burial on the day of execution. Therefore, in Palestine the executioner would break the legs of the crucified person in order to hasten his death and thus permit burial before nightfall. This practice, described in the Gospels in reference to the two thieves who were crucified with Jesus (John 19:18), has now been archaeologically confirmed.^d Since the victim we excavated was a Jew, we may conclude that the executioners broke his legs on purpose in order to accelerate his death and allow his family to bury him before nightfall in accordance with Jewish custom.
We cannot know the crime of which our victim was accused. Given the prominence and wealth of
the family, it is unlikely that he was a common thief. More likely, he was crucified for political crimes or seditious activities directed against the Roman authorities. Apparently, this Jewish family had two or three sons active in the political, religious and social life of Jerusalem at the end of the Second Temple period. One (Simon) was active in the reconstruction of the Temple. Another (Yehonathan) was a potter. The third son may have been active in anti-Roman political activities, for which he was crucified.
There’s something else we know about this victim. We know his name. Scratched on the side of the ossuary containing his bones were the words “Yehohanan, the son of Hagakol.”

Ossuary of Yehohanan. About a year after Yehohanan had been crucified, his family reburied his bones in this stone box and scratched his name not once, but several times, into the stone. One of the two inscriptions on this long side of the ossuary reads Yhwhnn bn hgqwl, “Yehohanan, son of HGQWL.” A clear translation of Yehohanan’s father’s name is not possible, but it may be a corruption of the name Ezekiel. Courtesy Israel Exploration Journal Vol. 20, Numbers 1–2, (1970)

Roman Crucifixion Methods Reveal the History of Crucifixion

Crucifixion in Antiquity

Biblical Archaeology Society Staff   •  07/17/2011

What do we know about the history of crucifixion? In the following article, “New Analysis of the Crucified Man,” Hershel Shanks looks at evidence of Roman crucifixion methods as analyzed from the remains found in Jerusalem of a young man crucified in the first century A.D. The remains included a heel bone pierced by a large nail, giving archaeologists, osteologists and anthropologists evidence of crucifixion in antiquity.

Crucifixion in antiquity was a gruesome execution, not really understood until a skeletal discovery in the 1980s that gave new insight into the history of crucifixion. Photo: Courtesy Israel Exploration Journal, Vol. 35, No. 1 (1985)

What do these bones tell us about the history of crucifixion? The excavator of the crucified man, Vassilios Tzaferis, followed the analysis of Nico Haas of Hebrew University-Hadassah Medical School in Jerusalem suggesting Roman crucifixion methods: a contorted position: arms nailed to the crossbeam; legs bent, twisted to one side, and held in place by a single nail that passed through a wooden plaque, through both left and right heel bones, and then into the upright of the cross.
However, when Joseph Zias and Eliezer Sekeles reexamined the remains, looking for evidence of Roman crucifixion methods, they found no evidence that nails had penetrated the victim’s arms; moreover, the nail in the foot was not long enough to have penetrated the plaque, both feet, and the cross. And, indeed, what were previously thought to be fragments of two heel bones through which the nail passed were shown to be fragments of only one heel bone and a long bone. On the basis of this evidence, Zias and Sekeles suggest that the man’s legs straddled the cross and that his arms were tied to the crossbeam with ropes, signifying the method of crucifixion in antiquity.
Literary sources giving insight into the history of crucifixion indicate that Roman crucifixion methods had the condemned person carry to the execution site only the crossbar. Wood was scarce and the vertical pole was kept stationary and used repeatedly. Below, in “New Analysis of the Crucified Man,” Hershel Shanks concludes that crucifixion in antiquity involved death by asphyxiation, not death by nail piercing.

Scholars’ Corner: New Analysis of the Crucified Man

By Hershel Shanks

Drawing of the contorted crucifixion position proposed by Vassilios Tzaferis, based on the analysis of Nico Haas, which has since been challenged by Joseph Zias and Eliezer Sekeles. For full caption, see drawing from Israel Exploration Journal 35:1. Photo: Courtesy Israel Exploration Journal, Vol. 20, No. 1–2 (1970)

In our January/February 1985 issue, we published an article about the only remains of a crucified man to be recovered from antiquity (“Crucifixion—The Archaeological Evidence,” BAR 11:01). Vassilios Tzaferis, the author of the article and the excavator of the crucified man, based much of his analysis of the victim’s position on the cross and other aspects of the method of crucifixion on the work of a medical team from Hebrew University-Hadassah Medical School headed by Nico Haas, who had analyzed the crucified man’s bones. In a recent article in the Israel Exploration Journal, however, Joseph Zias, an anthropologist with the Israel Department of Antiquities, and Eliezer Sekeles of Hebrew University-Hadassah Medical School in Jerusalem question many of Haas’s conclusions concerning the bones of the crucified man.^a The questions Zias and Sekeles raise affect many of the conclusions about the man’s position during crucifixion.
According to Haas, the nail in the crucified man penetrated both his right and left heel bones, piercing the right heel bone (calcaneum) first, then the left. Haas found a fragment of bone attached to the right heel that he thought was part of the left heel bone (sustentaculum tali). If Haas’s analysis is correct, the two heel bones must have been penetrated by the same nail, and the victim’s legs must have been in a closed position on the cross.
But according to the new analysis of the bones just published in the Israel Exploration Journal, the bone fragment Haas identified as part of the left heel bone was incorrectly identified. “The shape and structure of this bony fragment is of a long bone; it cannot therefore be the left [heel bone],” say the most recent investigators. Their conclusions are confirmed by x-rays, which reveal the varying density, structure and direction of the bones.
Haas also incorrectly assumed that the nail is seven inches (17–18 cm) long. In fact, the total length of the nail from head to tip is only 4.5 inches (11.5 cm). A wooden plaque less than an inch thick (2 cm) had been punctured by the nail before it passed through the right heel bone. After exiting from the bone, the nail penetrated the cross itself and then bent, probably because it hit a knot. As the new investigators observe, given the length of the nail, “There simply was not enough room for both heel bones and a two centimeter wooden plaque to have been pierced by the nail and affixed to the vertical shaft of the cross. … The nail was sufficient for affixing only one heel bone to the cross.”
In short, only the right heel bone was penetrated—laterally, or sidewise—by the nail. Accordingly, the victim’s position on the cross must have been different from that portrayed by Haas.
The new investigators also dispute Haas’s conclusion that a scratch on the bone of the right forearm (radius) of the victim, just above the wrist, represents the penetration of a nail between the two bones of the forearm. According to Zias and Sekeles, such scratches and indentations are commonly found on ancient skeletal material, including on the right leg bone (fibula) of this man. Such scratches and indentations have nothing to do with crucifixion.
How then was the crucified man attached to the cross?
As the new investigators observe:

“The literary sources for the Roman period contain numerous descriptions of crucifixion but few exact details as to how the condemned were affixed to the cross. Unfortunately, the direct physical evidence here is also limited to one right calcaneum (heel bone) pierced by an 11.5 cm iron nail with traces of wood at both ends.”

According to the literary sources, those condemned to crucifixion never carried the complete cross, despite the common belief to the contrary and despite the many modern reenactments of Jesus’ walk to Golgotha. Instead, only the crossbar was carried, while the upright was set in a permanent place where it was used for subsequent executions. As the first-century Jewish historian Josephus noted, wood was so scarce in Jerusalem during the first century A.D. that the Romans were forced to travel ten miles from Jerusalem to secure timber for their siege machinery.
According to Zias and Sekeles:

“One can reasonably assume that the scarcity of wood may have been expressed in the economics of crucifixion in that the crossbar as well as the upright would be used repeatedly. Thus, the lack of traumatic injury to the forearm and metacarpals of the hand seems to suggest that the arms of the condemned were tied rather than nailed to the cross. There is ample literary and artistic evidence for the use of ropes rather than nails to secure the condemned to the cross.”

According to Zias and Sekeles, the victim’s legs straddled the vertical shaft of the cross, one leg on either side, with the nails penetrating the heel bones. The plaque or plate under the head of the nail, they say, was intended to secure the nail and prevent the condemned man from pulling his feet free.
As Haas correctly suggested, the nail probably hit a knot which bent the nail. However, as Zias and Sekeles reconstruct the removal of the dead man from the cross:

“Once the body was removed from the cross, albeit with some difficulty in removing the right leg, the condemned man’s family would now find it impossible to remove the bent nail without completely destroying the heel bone. This reluctance to inflict further damage to the heel led [to his burial with the nail still in his bone, and this in turn led] to the eventual discovery of the crucifixion.”

Whether the victim’s arms were tied, rather than nailed to the cross is irrelevant to the manner of his dying. As Zias and Sekeles point out:
“Death by crucifixion was the result of the manner in which the condemned man hung from the cross and not the traumatic injury caused by nailing. Hanging from the cross resulted in a painful process of asphyxiation, in which the two sets of muscles used for breathing, the intercostal [chest] muscles and the diaphragm, became progressively weakened. In time, the condemned man expired, due to the inability to continue breathing properly.”

Is Jesus’ Crucifixion Reflected in Soil Deposition?

A Geological Study May Indicate Earthquake Described by Matthew

Biblical Archaeology Society Staff   •  06/04/2012

The Gospel of Matthew describes an earthquake during Jesus’ Crucifixion. Sediment disturbances mentioned in a recent article in the International Geology Review points to the Biblical earthquake and may give a concrete date of the crucifixion. Painting by James Jacques Tissot.

According to the Gospel of Matthew, an earthquake shook Jerusalem on the day of Jesus’ crucifixion. A new study of cores and seismic activity near the Dead Sea in the latest issue of International Geology Review* may provide scientific data relating to the event described in Matthew 27. Moreover, a recent report by Discovery News suggested** that the new research on sediment disturbances can be combined with Biblical, astronomical and calendrical information to give a precise date of the crucifixion: Friday, April 3rd, 33 C.E.
Matthew 27:50-54 reads:

“Then Jesus cried again with a loud voice and breathed his last. At that moment the curtain of the temple was torn in two, from top to bottom. The earth shook, and the rocks were split. The tombs also were opened, and many bodies of the saints who had fallen asleep were raised. After his resurrection they came out of the tombs and entered the holy city and appeared to many. Now when the centurion and those with him, who were keeping watch over Jesus, saw the earthquake and what took place, they were terrified and said, ‘Truly this man was God’s Son!’”

Geologists Jefferson B. Williams, Markus J. Schwab and A. Brauer examined disturbances in sediment depositions to identify two earthquakes: one large earthquake in 31 B.C.E., and another, smaller quake between 26 and 36 C.E. In the abstract of their paper, the authors write, “Plausible candidates include the earthquake reported in the Gospel of Matthew, an earthquake that occurred sometime before or after the crucifixion and was in effect ‘borrowed’ by the author of the Gospel of Matthew, and a local earthquake between 26 and 36 AD that was sufficiently energetic to deform the sediments at Ein Gedi but not energetic enough to produce a still extant and extra-biblical historical record. If the last possibility is true, this would mean that the report of an earthquake in the Gospel of Matthew is a type of allegory.”

 The geologists compared their findings with Biblical information, including the chronology of the reign of Pontius Pilate, the Gospels’ accounts of the crucifixion occurring on a Friday evening, and the Synoptic Gospel account that Jesus died just before Passover on the 15th day of Nisan. Using this Biblical information in conjunction with the geological report, the author of the Discovery News story reasoned that Friday April 3, 33 C.E. is the most likely date of the crucifixion.*** While there are no direct extant archaeological artifacts relating to Jesus’ crucifixion, the disturbances in soil deposition may reflect the earthquake described by Matthew. This quake, occurring during Jesus’ crucifixion, would have been too minor to be described by non-Biblical histories, but major enough to terrify the surrounding centurions.

Why Do We Have a Bible?

Emory University’s Jacob L. Wright examines the Bible as “road map to a brighter future”

Jacob L. Wright   •  03/31/2014

A new phenomenon is changing the face of education, making first-rate courses from the world’s best universities available to all, wherever they live. The phenomenon is often subsumed under the umbrella term “Massive Open Online Course” (MOOC). Emory University professor Jacob L. Wright will be teaching the free seven-week Coursera course “The Bible’s Prehistory, Purpose, and Political Future” beginning May 26. More information is provided at the bottom of this page.

---

Discovered in the caves above Qumran, the Dead Sea Scrolls have provided scholars with important information about the Bible in the first century. How was the Bible formed, and why did a text from a defeated people blossom into the Bible?

Last fall I was selected to teach one of Coursera’s first course offerings on religion—and its very first on the Hebrew Bible as a whole. Entitled “The Bible’s Prehistory, Purpose, and Political Future,” the course will expose students, whether they’re beginners or experts, to an abundance of new research on the history of Israel and on the formation of the Bible. But this is no typical introductory course. My objective is not simply to present various theories for the origins of Israel and the Bible, beginning with Genesis and continuing through various parts of the canon. Instead, my lectures focus on the most basic—and I think most important—question that students often ask, yet instructors rarely address: Why? Why do we have a Bible from ancient Israel and Judah? Could something like it have existed among the Philistines, the Moabites, the Assyrians, the Babylonians or the Persians? If so, why haven’t they been transmitted throughout the ages and been translated into thousands of languages, as the Hebrew Scriptures have been? And why would such a sophisticated corpus of literature as the Bible have its origins in a remote region of the world (the southern Levantine hill country), rather than at the centers of ancient civilization (Mesopotamia and Egypt)? After all, these civilization centers boasted technological supremacy and military superiority. They were the ones who invented writing and easily conquered the population that produced the Bible. Finally, why has the Bible had such a huge impact on world history, shaping the identities of a very wide array of societies across the globe?
The course takes on this paramount question of the Bible’s raison d’être: its why and wherefore. The first two weeks of the class treat the history and archaeology of ancient Israel, and the subsequent weeks examine how the Biblical authors tell their history and interpret their past.

---

In the free eBook Exploring Genesis: The Bible’s Ancient Traditions in Context, discover the cultural contexts for many of Israel’s latest traditions. Explore Mesopotamian creation myths, Joseph’s relationship with Egyptian temple practices and three different takes on the location of Ur of the Chaldeans, the birthplace of Abraham.

---

I’m not going to reveal the way I answer the why-question. In order to find out how I think about it, you’ll have to enroll in the course. But I will give you a clue as to where I’m headed. (And two follow-up pieces exclusively on Bible History Daily will offer you a glimpse of some of the course’s content.) The Bible emerged in response to disaster and devastation. If it were not for cataclysmic loss—if the kingdoms of Israel and Judah had continued to flourish—there would be no Bible. I’m not claiming that many of the Bible’s sources did not already exist long before the Babylonians razed Jerusalem to the ground. But there is a significant gap between the original contours of these sources and the shape they are given by the Biblical authors.

According to the Book of Daniel, Babylonian king Belshazzar ordered the gold and silver vessels from the Temple to be brought to his famous feast, where Daniel interpreted the writing on the wall. The authors of the Hebrew Bible fashioned an elaborate and enduring monument to this conquest. Picture: National Gallery, London.

With its walls razed to the ground by Babylon’s armies, Jerusalem joined a long line of ancient vanquished cities—from Ur and Nineveh and Persepolis to Babylon itself. While some recovered from the destruction, others did not. But none responded to political catastrophe by fashioning the kind of elaborate and enduring monument to their own downfall that we find in the Bible. Most conquered populations viewed their subjugation as a source of shame. They consigned it to oblivion, opting instead to extol the golden ages of the past. The Biblical authors in contrast reacted to loss by composing extensive writings that acknowledge collective failure, reflect deeply upon its causes and discover thereby a ground for collective hope. For subjugated populations, the destructive force of armies posed the most fundamental question: Who are we? In response to this question, the Biblical architects of Israel’s national identity did not look to their kings to define their destiny. Instead, they gathered the fragments of their diverse pasts and wove from them a single narrative that told the story of one nation. The resulting tapestry we know as the Hebrew Bible.

---

The DVD Bible Stories: How Narratives Work and What They Reveal is a fascinating look at some of the most famous stories of the Hebrew Bible. Professor Ziony Zevit’s engaging lectures examine the art of storytelling and will have you reading the Exodus, the Ten Commandments, the Book of Ruth and so much more in a whole new way.

---

Defeat may have destroyed a state, but thanks to the vision of the Biblical authors, it recreated a people. The Biblical project is truly remarkable. Nowhere else in the ancient world do we witness such an elaborate effort first to portray the history of one’s own defeat and then to use this history as a means of envisioning a new political order. This course takes students through the bold moves, as well as the intricate steps, with which the Bible achieves its goals. The efforts of the Biblical authors were not in vain. The “people of the book” they conceived has endured for more than two-and-a-half tumultuous millennia. But the impact of these creative labors extends far beyond the community for whom it was written. Either directly or indirectly, the Bible informs the way many populations of the world today imagine themselves as peoples. Thus we as Americans, despite significant social and ethnic diversity, have long claimed to be one united nation, and our self-understanding borrows explicitly from the legacy that the Biblical authors inherited from ancient Israel.
In keeping with its hope-filled perspective, the Bible lays out a road map to a brighter future in which corporate concerns and the common good determine daily practices and public policies: transparency and open access to information; division of powers; written law codes; environmental sustainability; universal education; justice for the orphan, widow and alien; protection of the one from the many; long life rather than heroic martyrdom; and many other enduring “covenantal” values that grow out of a sense of fraternity and a consciousness of being one people. Many of these moral principles have been deeply absorbed into our identities. In my course I reveal how they were decisively shaped by societal collapse. If I am right, they demand our renewed attention in this time of global instability and great uncertainty about our future.

---

The Bible’s Prehistory, Purpose, and Political Future

A new phenomenon is changing the public face of university education, making first-rate courses from the world’s best universities available to all, wherever they live. The phenomenon is often subsumed under the umbrella term “Massive Open Online Course” (MOOC). One of the leaders in the new realm of MOOC courses is Coursera, which reaches millions of students of all ages across the globe. Last fall Dr. Jacob Wright was selected to teach for Coursera one of its first courses on religion—and its very first on the Hebrew Bible as a whole. Titled “The Bible’s Prehistory, Purpose, and Political Future,” the course is offered through the prestigious Emory University, which is world-renowned for its graduate programs in Biblical Studies (the largest in the USA).
This new course on the Bible is free, and enrollment is open to everyone. Beginning May 26, it runs for seven weeks—a fitting duration for a course on the Bible. You can take it for credit and a diploma, or you can just watch the lectures at leisure and take the quizzes for fun, without anyone knowing how well you did—or didn’t do.
Click here to learn more about the course.

---

Jacob L. Wright is associate professor of Hebrew Bible at the Candler School of Theology of Emory University. He is author of Rebuilding Identity: The Nehemiah Memoir and Its Earliest Readers (De Gruyter) and two related works on the Bible’s most celebrated ruler: King David’s Reign Revisited (Aldina/Apple iBooks) and David, King of Israel, and Caleb in Biblical Memory (Cambridge University Press). He is currently at work on an exciting new book on the Bible to be published by Simon & Schuster—Atria.

What Happened to Cain in the Bible?

Did Lamech Kill Cain?

Megan Sauter   •  04/25/2014

What happened to Cain in the Bible? In the Book of Genesis, we are told about Cain’s birth, his violent act of fratricide and his subsequent exile. We learn that he married and had descendants, but the Bible is strangely mute about his death.
How did Cain die? If he did not die naturally, who killed Cain? In the Bible, do we have any clues? John Byron, professor of New Testament at Ashland Theological Seminary, tackles these questions in his column “Did Cain Get Away with Murder?” which appears in the May/June 2014 issue of BAR.

DID LAMECH KILL CAIN? How did Cain die? This 12th-century column capital from the Cathedral of Saint-Lazre in France depicts Lamech hunting with his son Tubal-Cain. They accidentally shoot and kill Cain, mistaking him for a wild animal. Photo: Cathedral Museum of St. Lazare, Autun, Burgundy, France/The Bridgeman Art Library.

Byron explains that ancient interpreters were not afraid to change the story of Cain in the Bible to fit with their sense of justice, ensuring that he was adequately punished for killing his brother Abel. One of the most popular interpretations credits Lamech—Cain’s great, great grandson—with killing Cain.
Lamech admits to having killed a man in Genesis 4:23–24. Ancient interpreters believed that this passage sheds light on who killed Cain in the Bible, and they identified the man Lamech killed in verse 23 with Cain.
How and why did Lamech kill Cain? According to the Lamech legend—which was based on Genesis 4 but which evolved over the centuries—Lamech accidentally killed Cain while he was hunting with his son Tubal-Cain. In the legend, Lamech is a blind but skilled hunter, and Tubal-Cain accompanies him to direct his bow and arrow. Hearing a noise in the bushes, they shoot what they think is a wild animal. Upon investigation, though, they discover that Lamech’s arrow has killed Cain.
In this version of events, how did Cain die? Like an animal. Justice is served.
However, the Lamech legend is just one of the ways ancient interpreters sought to answer the question: How did Cain die? Did Cain die in the flood? Did he die naturally? Did Lamech kill Cain? If Lamech did not, then was there someone else who killed Cain? In the Bible, we will not find a definitive answer.
To find out more about the Lamech legend and other interpretations that seek to explain what happened to Cain in the Bible, read the full column by John Byron, professor of New Testament at Ashland Theological Seminary, in the May/June 2014 issue of BAR.

ప్రశ్న: క్రైస్తవులు దేశపు న్యాయసూత్రము విధేయత చూపించవలసిన అవసరత వుందా?

ప్రశ్న: క్రైస్తవులు దేశపు న్యాయసూత్రము విధేయత చూపించవలసిన అవసరత వుందా?

సమాధానము: రోమా 13:1-7 చెప్తుంది, “ప్రతివాడును పై అధికారులకు లోబడియుండవలెను; ఏలయనగా దేవునివలన కలిగినది తప్ప మరి ఏ అధికారమును లేదు; ఉన్న అధికారములు దేవునివలననే తప్ప నియమింపబడియున్నవి. కాబట్టి అధికారమును ఎదిరించువాడు దేవుని నియమమును ఎదిరించుచున్నాడు; ఎదిరించువారు తమ మీదికి తామే శిక్ష తెచ్చుకొందురు. ప్రభుత్వము చేయువారు చెడ్డకార్యములకే గాని మంచి కార్యములకు భయంకారులు కారు; నీకు మేలు కలుగుటకు అధికారులు దేవుని పరిచారకులు; వారికి భయపడక ఉండకోరితివా, మేలుచేయుము, అప్పుడు వారిచేత మెప్పు పొందుదువు. నీవు చెడ్డది చేసిన యెడల భయపడుము, వారు ఊరకయే ఖడ్గము ధరింపరు; కీడు చేయువానిమీద ఆగ్రహము చూపుటకై వారు ప్రతికారము చేయు దేవుని పరిచారకులు. కాబట్తి ఆగ్రహభయమునుబట్టి మాత్రము కాక మనస్సాక్షిని బట్టియు లోబడియుండుట ఆవశ్యకము. ఏలయనగా వారు దేవుని సేవకులైయుండి యెల్లప్పుడు ఈ సేవయందే పని కలిగియుందురు. ఇందుకే గదా మీరు పన్నుకూడ చెల్లించుచున్నారు? కాబట్తి యెవనికి పన్నో వానికి పన్నును, ఎవనికి సుంకమో వానికి సుంకము చెల్లించుడి. ఎవనియెడల భయముండవలెనో వానియెడల సన్మానమును వానియెడల సన్మానమును కలిగియుండి,అందరికిని వారి వారి ఋణములను తీర్చుడి.”

ఈ పాఠ్యభాగము వివైంచేది మనమీద దేవుడు నియమించిన గవర్నమెంటు అధికారులకు విధేయత చూపించవలెనని స్పష్టముగా చెప్తున్నది. దేవుడు గవర్నమెంటును క్రమమును స్థాపించుటకు, చెడును శిక్షించుటకు మరియు న్యాయమును వృద్ధిపరచుటకును (ఆదికాండము 9:6; 1 కొరింథీయులకు 14:33; రోమా 12:8). మనము గవర్నమెంటు అధికారులకు ప్రతిదానియందును లోబడవలెను - పన్నులు చెల్లించుటయందును, క్రమబద్దమైన మరియు న్యాయసూత్రాలను మరియు గౌరవమును చూపించుటయందును. మనము చేయలేని పక్షమున, మనము అంతిమముగా అమర్యాదను దేవుని పట్ల చూపిస్తున్నట్లే, ఎందుకంటే ఆయనే మనమీద గవర్నమెంటును నియమించాడు. రోమాకు అపోస్తలుడైన పౌలు రాసినపుడు, నీరో చక్రవర్తి పరిపాలనలో అతడు రోమా గవర్నమెంటు అధికారుల పాలనలో నున్నాడు. పౌలు ఇంకను గవర్నమెంటు పరిపాలన?

మరి తరువాతి ప్రశ్న“మనము దేశపు న్యాయసూత్రములకు మనఃపూర్వకముగా విధేయత చూపించగలమా? ఆప్రశ్నకు జవాబు అపోస్తలుల కార్యములు 5:27-29, “వారిని తిసుకొనివచ్చి సభలో నిలువబెట్తగా ప్రధానయాజకుడు వారిని చూచి -మిరు ఈ నామమునుబట్తి భోధింపకూడదని మేము మీకు ఖండితముగా ఆఙ్ఞాపింపలేదా? ఇదిగో మీరు యెరుషలేమును మీ భోధతో నింపి, యీ మనుష్యుని హత్య మామీదికి తేవలెనని ఉద్దేశించుచున్నారని చెప్పెను. అందుకు పేతురు అపోస్తలులను-మనుష్యులకు కాదు దేవునికే కదా మేము లోబడవలెను గా!'“ దీనినుండి మనకు అర్థమవుతుందేంటంటే, దేవుని న్యాయవిధిని ఈ దేశపు న్యాయసూత్రము విధేయత చూపించనంతకాలము, మనము దేశపు న్యాయసూత్రము విధేయత చూపించబద్దులమైయున్నాము. ఏదిఏమైనా, ఆసారికి కూడ మనపైనున్న గవర్నమెంటు అధికారమును విధేయతచూపించవలసివుంది. పేతురు మరియు యోహాను వారిని కొరడా దెబ్బలతో కొట్టినపుదు వారు ఆక్షేపించక పోని సాత్యాన్ని బట్టి, దానికి బదులు వారు దేవుని మాటకు విధేయత చూపించుటలో వారి శ్రమను బట్టి సంతోషించిరి(అపోస్తలుల కార్యములు 5:40-42).

ప్రశ్న: బైబిలులో అపోస్తలుల మరణమునుగురించి ఎక్కడైనా రాయబడిందా? ఒక్కొక్క అపోస్తలుడు ఏ విధంగా మరణించారు?

ప్రశ్న: బైబిలులో అపోస్తలుల మరణమునుగురించి ఎక్కడైనా రాయబడిందా? ఒక్కొక్క అపోస్తలుడు ఏ విధంగా మరణించారు?

సమాధానము: కేవలము ఒకే ఒక్క అపోస్తలుని మరణము గురించి బైబిలులో రాయబడిన అది యాకోబు విషయము (అపోస్తులుల కార్యములు 12:2). రాజైన హేరోదు యాకోబును “ఖడ్గముతో చంపించెను,” ఇది సుమారుగా శిరచ్ఛేదము చేసినట్లు సూచిస్తుంది. ఇతర అపోస్తలుల మరణములు పరిస్థితులన్నియు సంఘ ఆచారములకు సంభంధించినది, గనుక మనము ఇతర వాటిని మనము లెక్కలోనికి తీసుకొని ఎక్కువ ప్రాధాన్యతతో పరిగణించకూడదు. చాలా సామాన్యముగా అంగీకరించగలిగే అపోస్తలుల మరణము విషయమై సంఘ ఆచారము ఏంటంటే అపోస్తలుడైన పేతురు రోమాలో నున్న ఆచారప్రకారము యేసు ప్రవచించినదానిని నెరవేర్చుటకై X- ఆకారములో తలక్రిందులుగా సిలువవేయబడెను (యోహాను 21:18). వ్యాప్తిలో ఉన్న ఇతర అపోస్తలుల మరణమునకు సంభంధించిన "ఆచారములు" క్రింద వివరించబడినవి:

మత్తయి ఇతియోపియాలో హతసాక్షిగా శ్రమపొందెను, ఖడ్గముచేత గాయముపొందినవాడై చంపబడెను. రోమాలో శ్రమలు పెడ్తున్న సమయములో ఒక పెద్ద బేసినులో మరుగుతున్న నూనెలొ యోహానును పడవేయుటవలన ప్రాణ సమర్పణం చేయుటకు సంసిధ్ధుడయ్యెను. ఏదిఏమైనా, ఆయన మరణమునుండి అధ్భుతముగా తప్పించబడెను. యోహాను తరువాత పత్మాసు ద్విపములోని చీకటి ఘనులలోనికి చెరగా భంధించుటకై శిక్షాస్థలము ఉత్తరువు చేసెను. ఆక్కడే పత్మాసు ద్వీపములోనే తన ప్రవచనాగ్రంధమైనా ప్రకటన గ్రంధమును రాసెను. అపోస్తలుడైన యోహాను తరువాత స్వతంత్రుడై మరియు ఈ దినాలలో నూతన ప్రదేశముగా పిలువబడే టర్కీకి తిరిగివచ్చెను. ఒక వృద్ధుడుగా మరణించెను, కేవలము అతి విశ్రాంతిగా మరణించిన అపోస్తలుడు ఇతడే.

యాకోబు, యేసుక్రీస్తు సహోదరుడు (ఆధికారికంగా అపోస్తలుడు కాదు), యెరూషలేములోని ఒక సంఘములోని పెద్దగా నున్నడు. ఆయన మందిరముయొక్క ఆగ్నేయ దిక్కు గోపుర శిఖరము నుండి పడద్రోయబడెను (పైనుండి వంద అడుగుల లోతులలో) క్రీస్తులోనున్న విశ్వాసమును కాదని ఒప్పుకొనుటలో ధిక్కరించనందుకు. ఆరితిగా పడిన తరువాత అతడు సజీవుడుగా నుండుట వారు కనుగొన్నారు, అప్పుడు అతని శత్రువులు లాఠీ కర్రతో అతడు మరణించేవరకు కొట్టెను. సాతాను యేసును శోధించినపుడు ఈ గోపుర శిఖరము దగ్గరకే సాతాను యేసును తీసుకొని వెళ్ళి అతనిని శోధించెనను ఒక ఆలోచన.

బర్తలోమయి, మరియు నతానియేలు అని పిలువబడే, ఈయన ఆసీయాభాగమునకు ఒక్క ప్రేషితుడుగా నుండెను.ఈ ప్రస్తుత దినాలలోనున్న టర్కీని సాక్షిగానున్నాడు మరియు ఆర్మేనియాలో ప్రసంగిస్తున్నప్పుడు హతసాక్షిగానుండెను, ఒక కొరడాతో కొట్టగా అతని చర్మము ఒలిచినంతగా మరణించెను. అంద్రెయ గ్రీసులో X ఆకారములోనున్న సిలువపై సిలువవేయబడెను. ఏడుగురు యుద్ద సైనికులు కొరడాలతో భయంకరంగా కొట్టిన తరువాత, అతని భాధను పొడిగించుతకు తోలుతో తన శరీరమును సిలువకు కట్టివేసెను. అతడు సిలువ దగ్గరకు తీసుకొని పోబడినాడని తన అనుచరులు తెలిసికొని సమాచారమందించగా, అంద్రెయ ఈ మాటలతో వారికి నమస్కారము చేసెను: “ఈ సంతోషకరమైన గడియకొరకు ఎంతో అభీష్టముతో మరియు వేచిచూసాను. సిలువపై క్రీస్తు యొక్క శరీరము వ్రేలాడదీయబడటువలన అది ఎంతో ప్రతిష్ట చేయబడినది.” ఇంకా రెండు దినములకు చనిపోయేంతవరకు తన్ను భాధించినవారికి ప్రసంగించుటను కొనసాగించెను. అపోస్తలుడైన తోమా ఒక మిషనరీ ప్రయాణములో సంఘమును స్థాపించుటకు భారత దేశమునకు వెళ్ళిన సమయములో అతనిని కత్తిచే పొడిచి చంపెను. మత్తయి, అనే అపోస్తలుడు విశ్వాసఘాతుకుడైన యూదా ఇస్కరియోతుకు బదులుగా అపొస్తలుడుగా ఎన్నుకొనబడెను, అతడు రాళ్ళతో కొట్టబడి మరియు శిరచ్చేధనము చేయబడెను. క్రీ.శ. 67 లో రోమాలో నీరో చక్రవర్తి పరిప్లానలో అపోస్తలుడైన పౌలును హింసపెట్టి తరువాత శిరచ్చేధనము చేసెను. ఇతర అపోస్తలుల విషయమై అనేక ఆచారములును వున్నవి, గాని వాటికి ఎటువంటి చరిత్రపూర్వకమైన మరియు ఆచారపరమైన ఆధారములు ఏమిలేవు.

అపోస్తలులు ఏవిధంగా మరణించారనేది అంత ప్రాముఖ్యము కాదు. ప్రాధాన్యముగా గుర్తించవల్సిన వాస్తవమేంటంటే వారు వారి విశ్వాసముకొరకై స్వచిత్తముగా మరణించుటకు సంసిధ్ధపడటం. ఒకవేళ యేసుక్రీస్తు పునరుత్ధానుడవకుండా వుండినట్లయితే, శిష్యులకు ఆ సంగతిని ఎరిగియుండే వారు కాదు. అబద్దమని నమ్మిన దానికొరకు ఏ ప్రజలుకూడా మరణించటానికి ఇష్టపడరు. వాస్తవానికి అపోస్తలులందరు అతి దారుణమైన భయంకర రీతిలో మరణించుటకు సంసిధ్ధులై, క్రిస్తులోనున్న విశ్వాసమును పరిత్యజించుటకు తిరస్కరించారు, పునరుత్ధానుడైన యేసుక్రీస్తుకు నిజ సాక్షులుగా సత్యానికి నిలిచారనుటకు ఇది బ్రహ్మాండమైన ఋజువుగా ఇప్పటికి చరిత్రపుటలో నున్నది.

బైబిలు దేవదూతలు గురించి ఏమిచెప్తుంది?

---

ప్రశ్న: బైబిలు దేవదూతలు గురించి ఏమిచెప్తుంది?

సమాధానము: దేవదూతలు అనేవి అవి ఆత్మీయజీవులు లేక అస్థిత్వాలు వాటికి బుద్ది ఙ్ఞానము, భావోద్రేకాలు మరియు చిత్తము వున్నవి. మంచి మరియు చెడు దూతలు (దయ్యములు)ఇది చాల సత్యము. దూతలు బుద్ది ఙ్ఞానమును కలిగివున్నవి (మత్తయి 8:29; 2కొరింథీయలకు 11:3; 1 పేతురు 1:12), భావాలను కనుపరుస్తాయి ( లూకా 2:13; యాకోబు 2:19; ప్రకటన 12:17), మరియు చిత్తమును అభ్యసిస్తాయి (లూకా8:28-31; 2 తిమోతి 2:26; యూదా6). దూతలు ఆత్మీయజీవులు (హెబ్రీయులు 1:14)నిజమైన శరీరములులేని జీవులు. అవి శరీరక నిర్మాణములేని జీవులైనప్పటికి అవి వ్యక్తిత్వాలు కలిగినవే.

అవిసృష్తించబడినజీవులుకాబట్టి, వాటి ఙ్ఞానము పరిమితమే. దేవుడు ఏమేమిచేస్తున్నాడో అన్ని వాటికి తెలియదు( మత్తయి 24:36). మానవులకన్న ఎక్కువైన ఙ్ఞానమును కలిగియున్నట్లు అగుపడుతుంది, ఏదిఏమైనప్పటికి, మూడు విషయాలనుబట్టి అయిఉండవచ్చు. మొదటిది, సృష్టించబడిన సృష్టమువాటన్నిటిలో మానవులకన్న దూతలకు ఎక్కువ ఙ్ఞానం ఇవ్వబడింది. అందుచేత, గొప్ప ఙ్ఞానాన్ని లోలోపల కలిగినవారు. రెండవది, దూతలు బైబిలును మరియు దేవునిని బాగా మానవులకన్నా అత్యధికముగా అభ్యసించినవారు మరియు దానినుండి ఙ్ఞానాన్ని పొందుకున్నారు (యాకోబు 2:19; ప్రకటన 12:12). మూడవది, దూతలు విసృతంగా మానవులు పాల్గొనేవిషయాలను పరిశీలించుటవలన ఙ్ఞానాన్ని పొందుకున్నారు. మానవలవలె, దూతలు గతించినవాటిని అధ్యయనం చేయరు; అవివాటిని అనుభవించారు. అందునుబట్టి, వారికి బాగ తెలుసు ఇతరులు పరిస్థితులకు ఏవిధంగా స్పందించి పతిచర్య చూపిస్తారో మరియు మనము అదేవిధమైన పరిస్థితులలో ఏవిధంగ నిఖ్ఖర్చిగా పతిస్పందిస్తామో ముందుగానే తెలుసుకొనగలవు.

వారికి చిత్తమువున్నప్పటికి, దూతలు, మిగిలిన సృష్టివలే, దేవుని చిత్తమునకు విధేయత చూపించవలసిన బద్దులైయున్నరు. మంచిదూతలు విశ్వాసులకు సహాయము చేయుటకు దేవునిచేత పంపబడ్డారు (హెబ్రీయులకు 1:14). ఇక్కడ కొన్ని పనులు దేవునిదూతలకు ఇవ్వబడినట్లు బైబిలు చెప్తున్నది: దేవుని స్తుతిస్తారు(కీర్తనలు 148:1-2; యెషయా 6:3).దేవునిని ఆరాధిస్తారు(హెబ్రీయులకు 1:6; ప్రకటన 5:8-13). దేవుడు చేసిన వాటినిబట్టి ఉత్సాహిస్తారు(యోబు 38:6-7). దేవునిని సేవిస్తారు (కీర్తనలు 103:20; పకటన 22:9). దేవునిముందు ప్రత్యక్షమవుతారు(యోబు 1:6; 2:1). దేవుని యొక్కతీర్పులో వీరును పనిముట్టులే (ప్రకటన 7:1; 8:2). ప్రార్థనలకు జవాబును తీసుకొనివస్తారు (అపోస్తలులకార్యములు 12:5-10). క్రీస్తుకొరకు వ్యక్తులను సంపాదించుటలో వీరును సహాయన్ని అందిస్తారు (అపోస్తలులకార్యములు 8:26; 10:3). క్రైస్తవ పద్డతిని, పనిని , మరియు శ్రమను ఆచరిస్తారు (1 కొరింథియులకు 4:9; 11:10; ఎఫెసీయుఅల్కు 3:10; 1 పేతురు 1:12). కష్టస్మయాలలో ప్రోత్సాహిస్తారు (అపోస్తలులకార్యములు 27:23-24). నీతిమంతుల మరణపు సమయాలలో శ్రధ్దతీసుకుంటారు (లూకా 16:22).

సృష్టి క్రమములో దూతలు మానవులకన్నా ప్రత్యేకమైన స్థాయికి చెందినవారు. మానవులు చనిపోయినతరువాత వారు దూతలు అవ్వరు. దూతలు ఎప్పటికి, ఎన్నటికి మానవులు అవ్వరు మరియు కాదు.దేవుడు మానవులను సృష్టించ్హినట్లే దేవదూతలను సృష్టించ్హాడు. బైబిలులో ఎక్కడకూడ దూతలు దేవుని స్వరూపములో మరియు పోలికచొప్పున మానవులవలే సృష్టించబడ్డారని వ్రాయబడలేదు (ఆదికాండం 1:26). దూతలు ఆత్మీయజీవులు గనుక కొంతవరకు శారీరకరూపమును కలిగివుండవచ్చు. మానవులు ప్రాధమికంగా శారీరక జీవులు, గాని ఆత్మీయ దృష్టి కలిగినవారు. పరిశుధ్ధ దూతలనుండి మనము నేర్చుకొనవల్సినదేంటంటే ప్రశ్నించకుండ, ఆకస్మికముగా దేవుని ఆఙ్ఞలకు విధేయతచూపించటం.

దేవుడు ఉన్నాడా ? ఉన్నాడు అనటానికి సాక్ష్యం ఉందా?

---

ప్రశ్న: దేవుడు ఉన్నాడా ? ఉన్నాడు అనటానికి సాక్ష్యం ఉందా?

సమాధానము: దేవుడు వున్నాడా? ఈ వాదనకి చాలా ఆసక్తి చూపించబడింది. ఇటీవల చేసిన పరిశోధనలను బట్టి ప్రపంచములోని 90 % ప్రజలు దేవుడు ఉన్నాడని లేదా ఒక మహా శక్తి అని నమ్ముతారు. ఏదైతేనేమి దేవుడున్నాడని నమ్ముతున్నా వాళ్లపై ఇది నిజంగా నిరూపించవలసిన భాద్యత ఉంచబడింది. ఇంకొక రకముగా ఆలోచిస్తే చాలా తర్కముగా అనిపిస్తుంది.

ఏమైనప్పటికి, దేవుడున్నాడని నిరూపించలేము అలా అని లేదని చెప్పలేము. బైబిలు చెప్పినట్లుగా విశ్వాసంతో దేవుడున్నాడన్న నిజాన్ని అంగీకరించాలని, “మరియు విశ్వాసం లేకుండా దేవునికి ఇష్టులై ఉ౦డుట అసాధ్యమని, దేవుని వద్దకు వచ్చువాడు ఆయన ఉన్నాడనియు, తన్ను వెదకువారికి ఫలము దయచేయువాడనియు నమ్మవలెను” (హెబ్రీ 11.6). దేవుడు తలచుకుంటే ఆయన చాలా సూక్ష్మంగా ప్రపంచం అంతటా ప్రత్యక్షమై తాను ఉన్నాడని నిరూపించుకోగలడు. కానీ ఆయన అది చేస్తే, ఇంక విశ్వాసం యొక్క అవసర౦ లేదు. “యేసు నీవు నన్ను చూచి నమ్మితివి, చూడక నమ్మినవారు ధన్యులని” అతనితో చెప్పెను (యోహాను 20.29).

ఏమయినప్పటికీ, దేవుడు ఉన్నాడనుటకు సాక్ష్యము లేదని, అర్థ౦ కాదు. "ఆకాశము దేవుని మహిమను వివరించుచున్నది; అంతరిక్షము ఆయన చేతిపనిని ప్రచురి౦చుచున్నది. పగటికి పగలు బోధ చేయుచున్నది. రాత్రికి రాత్రి జ్ఙానము తెలుపుచున్నది. వాటికి భాష లేదు. మాటలు లేవు వాటి స్వరము వినబడదు. వాటి కొలమానాలు భూమియందంతట వ్యాపించియున్నది. లోకదిగంతములవరకు వాటి ప్రకటనలు వ్యాప్తి చె౦దియున్నవి” (కీర్తనలు 19: 1-4) నక్షత్రములను చూసినపుడు, విశాలమైన ఈ విశ్వాన్ని పరిశీలి౦చినపుడు, ప్రకృతి యొక్క అద్భుతాలను గమనించినపుడు సూర్యాస్తమయ అందాలను చూసినపుడు—ఇవన్నీ సృష్టి కర్త అయిన దేవుని సూచిస్తాయి. ఇవి కూడ చాలవు అనుకుంటే మనందరి హృదయాలలో దేవుడు ఉన్నారన్న సాక్ష్యం ఉ౦ది. ప్రసంగి (3.11) లో చెప్పినట్లుగా, ...“ఆయన శాశ్వత కాల జ్ఙానమును నరుల హృదయములో ఉ౦చి వున్నాడు…”. చాలా లోతుగా గుర్తిస్తే, ఈ జీవితం వెనుక ఏదో వుంది, మరియు ఈ ప్రపంచము వెనుక ఎవరో వున్నారు. మనము ఈ సమాచారాన్ని అర్థ౦ లేదని కొట్టివేసినా కాని, దేవుని సన్నిధి మనతో మరియు మన ద్వారా ఇ౦కా వుంది. ఇంకా దేవుడు లేడని ప్రక్కకి తోసివేసే వారితో (కీర్తన 14.1) లో చెప్పినట్లుగా “దేవుడు లేడని బుధ్ధిహీనులు, తమ హృదయములో అనుకుందురు”. 98 % పైగా ప్రజలు చరిత్ర, సంస్కృతి, నాగరికత, కల అన్ని ఖండాల వారు నమ్మేదేమిటంటే దేవుడువున్నాడని, ఈ నమ్మకము వెనుక ఏదో ఉ౦ది (లేదా ఎవరో ) ఉన్నారని.

బైబిలు వాదనల ప్రకారము దేవుడున్నాడని చూస్తే, తర్కపరమైన వాదనలు ఉన్నాయి. ప్రథమముగా, తర్కవిభేదమైన వాదము కలదు. ఈ తర్క విభేదానికి ముఖ్య అంశం ఏమిటంటే దేవుడున్నాడని నిరూపించటం. “ఆయనను మించిన మరే శక్తి లేదని” నిరూపించటంతో దేవుని గూర్చిన నిర్వచనం మొదలవుతుంది. ఈ వాదన ఎలా వుంటుందంటే ఆయన ఉనికి కన్నా ఇంకొక గొప్ప ఉనికి ఉందంటే అది ఎంత గొప్పదో బయటపడాలి. ఒకవేళ దేవుడు లేనట్లయితే ఆయన ఒక గొప్ప చలించే వ్యక్తి కాకపొతే దేవుని యొక్క ప్రతి నిర్వచనము విరుద్ధమైపోతుంది. రెండవది సరియైన వాదన ఏమిటంటే ఖచ్చితంగా ఈ విశ్వ సృష్టి వెనుక ఒక అద్భుతమైన దైవిక సృష్టి కర్త ఉన్నారని. ఉదాహరణకి భూమి సూర్యుడికి కొన్ని వందల మైళ్ళ దగ్గరగా గాని, లేదా దూరంగా ఉన్నట్లయితే , ప్రస్తుతం ఉన్న శక్తి కంటే ఎక్కువ శక్తిని కలిగి ఉ౦డేది కాదు. వాతావరణములో ఉన్న అణువులలో కనుక కొంచెం మార్పు ఉన్నట్లయితే ఈ భూమి మీద ఉన్న ప్రతి జీవి చనిపోయి ఉ౦డేది. 10,243 లో ఒక్క దానికే ప్రోటీన్ కణము అయ్యే అవకాశాలు ఉన్నాయి (2430 నుండి 10 వస్తాయి). ఒక్క కణము కొన్ని మిలియన్ల ప్రోటీన్ కణాలను కలిగి ఉంటుంది.

దేవుని ఉనికిని గూర్చిన మూడవ తర్కవాదన జగత్సంబంధమైన వాదన. ప్రతి పరిణామము వెనుక ఒక కారణము ఉ౦టుంది. ఈ విశ్వము మరియు సమస్తము ఒక ఏర్పాటే. ప్రతీది బయటకు అనగా ఉనికి లోనికి రావటానికి ఖచ్చితంగా ఏదో ఒక కారణము ఉ౦డే ఉ౦టుంది. చిట్టచివరిగా చెప్పేదేమిటంటే సమస్తము ఉనికి లోనికి రావటానికి ఏదో తెలియని కారణము ఖచ్చితంగా ఉ౦డే ఉ౦టుంది. ఆ “తెలియని కారణమే” దేవుడు. నాల్గవ వాదన నీతి పరమైన వాదన. ప్రతి సంస్కృతి చరిత్ర అంతా ఒక విధమైన ధర్మశాస్త్రము తో ఏర్పాటయింది. ప్రతి మనిషికి మంచి, చెడు విచక్షణ కలవు. హత్య, అసత్యమాడటం, దొంగతనం మరియు అనైతికం వీటన్నిటిని విశ్వమంతా ఎప్పుడో త్రోసివేసింది. మరి పరిశుడైద్ధున దేవుని నుండి కాకపోతే మరి ఈ మంచి చెడు విచక్షణా జ్ఙానము ఎక్కడనుండి వచ్చాయి. వీటన్నిటిని ప్రక్కకు త్రోసివేసి, బైబిలు ఏం చెపుతుందంటే ప్రజలు సృష్టి౦చినవాటిని

మరియు ఉపేక్షించటానికి వీలు లేని దేవుని జ్ఙానమును నమ్మటానికి బదులు అసత్యమును నమ్మరు. రోమా 1:25 లో చెప్పినట్లుగా “దేవుని సత్యమును అసత్యమునకు మార్చి, మరియు సృష్టికర్తకు ప్రతిగా సృష్టి౦చినవాటిని

పూజించిరి. యుగములవరకు ఆయన స్తోత్రార్హుడై ఉన్నాడు. ఆమెన్”. బైబిల్ ఇంకా ఏమని ప్రకటిస్తుందంటే (రోమా 1:20) “ప్రజలు ఏ సాకు లేకుండా దేవుని నమ్మటానికి బదులు—ఆయన అదృశ్య లక్షణములు,నిత్యశక్తియు, దైవత్వమును, స్పష్టముగా చూసి కూడ, ఎలా సృష్టించబడినవో అర్థము చేసుకుని కూడ నమ్మలేకున్నారు”.

ప్రజలు దేవుని యందు నమ్మకము లేదని చెప్పటానికి “శాస్త్రీయమైన” లేదా “సరియైన ఆధారము” లేక కాదు. నిజమైన కారణము ఏమిటంటే ఒకసారి దేవుడు ఉన్నాడని ఒప్పుకున్నపుడు ఆయన ఇచ్చు అవసరమైన క్షమాపణ కొరకు ఆయన పట్ల బాధ్యులై ఉ౦డవలెనని గుర్తించాలి అనగా ఆయన కృప కొరకు కనిపెట్టుకుని ఉ౦డాలి. (రోమా 3:23; 6:23). దేవుడు వున్నట్లయితే, మన క్రియల విషయమై మనము లెక్క అప్పచెప్పవలసినవారమై ఉన్నాము. ఒకవేళ దేవుడు లేనట్లయితే తీర్పు వస్తుందన్న చింత లేక మన ఇష్టానుసారంగా మనం చేయవచ్చు. సృష్టికర్తయిన దేవుడిని నమ్మటం అనే ప్రత్యామ్నాయాన్ని ఇవ్వటానికి –మన సమాజంలో ఈ పరిణామము బలంగా పట్టుకుని వుంది. దేవుడు ఉన్నాడు మరియు ఆఖరికి ప్రతిఒక్కరికి తెలుసు ఆయన ఉన్నాడని. నిజమేమిటంటే కొంతమంది చాలా వాదనలతో కలహించి చివరకి ఆయన ఉన్నారన్న నిజాన్ని నిరూపించలేకపోయారు.

చివరగా దేవుడున్నాడని ఒకే ఒక వాదన వుంది. ఆయన ఉన్నాడని ఎలా తెలుస్తుంది? క్రైస్తవులుగా మనకి తెలుసు ఆయన ఉన్నాడని, ఎందుకంటే మనం ప్రతిరోజూ ఆయనతో మాట్లాడుతాం కాబట్టి. మనం ఆయన తిరిగి మాట్లాడటం వినకపోవచ్చు, కాని ఆయన సన్నిధిని అనుభవిస్తున్నాం, ఆయన నడిపించే అనుభూతి చెందుతున్నాం, మనకు ఆయన ప్రేమతెలుసు, ఆయన కృపను కోరుకుంటున్నాం. మన జీవితంలో ఎన్ని విషయాలు ఉన్నా దేవుని కంటే ఎక్కువగా చెప్పటానికి మనదగ్గర ఏ ఇతర వివరణ లేదు. దేవుడు మనలను ఎంతో అద్భుతంగా రక్షించి మరియు మన జీవితాలను మార్చిన దానికి మనం ఆయనను అనుసరిస్తూ, ఆయన ఉనికిని స్తుతించటం తప్ప మనం ఏమి చేయలేము. ఈ వాదనలలో ఏ ఒక్కటీ వారిని కాని ఇతరులను కాని ఇంత స్పష్టముగా ఉన్నదానిని అనుసరి౦చటం ఎవరూ తప్పించలేరు. చివరికి దేవుని ఉనికిని విశ్వాసంతోనే అంగీకరించాలి. (హెబ్రీ 11.6). విశ్వాసం అనేది గుడ్డిగా చీకటిలోకి గంతు వేయటం కాదు, ఎక్కడ అప్పటికే 90 % ప్రజలు నిలబడి బాగా వెలిగించబడి ఉన్న గదిలోకి సురక్షితముగా అడుగుపెట్టటం.

క్రమబద్దమైన వేదాంతము అంటే ఏంటి?

---

ప్రశ్న: క్రమబద్దమైన వేదాంతము అంటే ఏంటి?

సమాధానము: "క్రమబద్దము" అంటే ఏదైనా ఒకదానిని క్రమములో పెట్టడం. క్రమబద్దమైన వేదాంతం అంటే, కాబట్టి, వేదాంతములోని అనేక రకాల భాగాలను గురించి వివరించేపద్దతి. ఉదాహరణకు, బైబిలులోని చాలా పుస్తకాలు దూతలను గురించి సమాచారమిస్తాయి. గాని ఏ ఒకే ఒక్కపుస్తకము మాత్రమే దూతలను గూర్చి అంతా సమాచారమివ్వవు. క్రమబద్దమైన వేదాంతం చేసే పనేటంటే బైబిలులోని అన్ని పుస్తకములనుండి దూతలను గూర్చిన వ్రాయబడిన సమాచారమును సేకరించి మరియు వాటిని అనుగుణంగా ఒక క్రమపద్దతిలో ఏర్పరచుటనే దేవదూతల శాస్త్రము. ఇదియే క్రమబద్దమైన వేదాంతమును గూర్చినది- బైబిలులోని విషయాలను సేకరించి, ఒక క్రమములో ఏర్పరచి పరిష్కారమైన పద్దతిలో భోధించుట.

వేదాంత సముచితం లేక పైతృకమైన వేదాంతము, ఇది తండ్రినిగూర్చిన విషయాలను అధ్యాయనముచేసేది. క్రిస్టాలజి అనగా కుమారుడైన దేవుడు, యేసు క్రీస్తును గూర్చి అధ్యాయనముచేసేది. న్యుమాటాలజి అనగా పరిశుధ్దాత్ముడైన దేవునిని గూర్చి అధ్యయించేది. బిబ్లియాలజి అనగా బైబిలు గురించి చదివేది. సొటిరియాలజి అనగా రక్షణను గురించి చదివేది. ఎక్లీసియాలజి అనగా సంఘమును గూర్చి అధ్యాయనం. ఏంజియాలజి అనగా దూతలను గూర్చి అధ్యాయనం. డీమానాలజి అనగా క్రైస్తవ ధృక్పధమునుండి దయ్యములను గూర్చి అధ్యయనముచేసేది. క్రైస్తవ మానవ పరిణామ శాస్త్రము అనగా క్రైస్తవ ధృక్పధమునుండి మానవత్వమును అధ్యయనంచేయుట. హెమర్షియాలజి అనగా పాపమునుగూర్చి అధ్యయనం. క్రమబద్దమైన వేదాంతామనేది బైబిలులోని సత్యముల అర్థం గ్రహించి మరియు క్రమమైన పద్దతిలో భోధించుటకు గొప్ప ప్రాముఖ్యమైన పనికరము.

క్రమబద్దమైన వేదాంతామునకు ఇంకా చేకూర్చినట్లయితే, ఇంకా మరికొన్ని మార్గాలలో వేదాంతమును విభజించవచ్చు. బైబిలు పరమైన వేదాంతములో బైబిలులోని కొన్ని పాఠ్యభాగమును లేక పాఠ్యభాగములను అధ్యయనంచేసి మరియు వేదాంతములోని అనేక కోణాలను అలోచిస్తూ దృష్ఠిస్తుందో వాటిని నొక్కి వక్కాణించటమే. ఉదాహరణకు, యోహాను సువార్త క్రిస్టాలాజికల్ ధృక్పోధంలో వుంటూంది కాబట్టి చాల ఎక్కువభాగం క్రీస్తూ దైవత్వముపై దృష్ఠి సారించింది (యోహాను 1:1, 14; 8:58; 10:30; 20:28). చారిత్రాత్మక వేదాంతము అనేది సిధ్దాంతములను అధ్యయనముచేస్తూ మరియు అవి ఏవిధంగా క్రైస్త్వ సంఘము కొన్ని శతాబ్ధములనుండి క్రమేణా ఉనికిలోకి వచ్చినవో తెలిసికొనడానికి ఉపయోగపడుతుంది. పిడివాద వేదాంతము అనేది కొన్ని క్రైస్తవ గుంపులవారు సిధ్దాంతములను అధ్యయనముచేయుట- వారు కలిగియున్న క్రమబద్దమైన సిధ్దాంతములు- ఉదాహరణకు, కాల్వినిస్టిక్ వేదాంతం మరియు ధర్మవ్యవస్థ వేదాంతం. సమకాలీన వేదాంతము అనగా సిధ్దాంతములు ఏవిధంగా ఉనికిలోకి వచ్చినవో వాటిని అధ్యయనముచేయుట లేక నవీనమైన కాలములలో ఎక్కువగా దృష్ఠీకరించి విషయములను అధ్యయనముచేయుట. ఏ పద్దతిలోనైనా ఎటువంటి వేదాంతమును అధ్యయనము చేసినప్పటికి, ప్రాముఖ్యముగా అభ్యసించాల్సినది క్రైస్తవ వేదాంతమే.

Language of Jesus

it is generally agreed that Jesus and his disciples primarily spoke Aramaic, the common language of Judea in the first century AD, most likely a Galilean dialect distinguishable from that of Jerusalem.^[1] The towns of Nazareth and Capernaum in Galilee, where Jesus spent most of his time, were Aramaic-speaking communities.^[2]

•  Aramaic phrases in the Greek New Testament
  •  Talitha kum (Ταλιθα κουμ)
  •  Ephphatha (Εφφαθα)
  •  Abba (Αββα)
  •  Raca (Ρακα)
  • Mammon (Μαμωνας)
  •  Rabbuni (Ραββουνει)
  •  Maranatha (Μαραναθα)
  •  Eli Eli lema sabachthani (Ηλει Ηλει λεμα σαβαχθανει)
  •  Jot and tittle (Ἰῶτα ἓν ἢ μία κεραία)
  •  Korban (Κορβαν)
  •  Sikera (Σικερα)
  •  Hosanna (Ὡσαννά)
• 3 Aramaic personal names in the New Testament
  •  Boanerges (Βοανηργες)
  • Cephas (Κηφας)
  •  Thomas (Θωμας)
  •  Tabitha (Ταβειθα)
• 4 Aramaic place names in the New Testament
  • Gethsemane (Γεθσημανει)
  •  Golgotha (Γολγοθα)
  •  Gabbatha (Γαββαθα)
  •  Akeldama (Ακελδαμαχ)
  • Pool of Bethesda (βηθζαθα)

Cultural and linguistic background

Aramaic was the common language of the Eastern Mediterranean during and after the Neo-Assyrian, Neo-Babylonian, and Achaemenid Empires (722–330 BC) and remained a common language of the region in the first century AD. In spite of the increasing importance of Greek, the use of Aramaic was also expanding, and it would eventually be dominant among Jews both in the Holy Land and elsewhere in the Middle East around 200 AD^[3] and would remain so until the Arab conquest in the seventh century.^[4][5]
According to Dead Sea Scrolls archaeologist, Yigael Yadin, Aramaic was the spoken language of Jews until Simon Bar Kokhba tried to revive Hebrew and make it the official language of Jews during the revolt that he led (132-135 AD). Yadin noticed the shift from Aramaic to Hebrew during the time of the Bar Kokhba revolt. In his book "Bar Kokhba: The rediscovery of the legendary hero of the last Jewish Revolt Against Imperial Rome" Yigael Yadin notes, "It is interesting that the earlier documents are written in Aramaic while the later ones are in Hebrew. Possibly the change was made by a special decree of Bar Kokhba who wanted to restore Hebrew as the official language of the state" (page 181).
In the book "A Roadmap to the Heavens: An Anthropological Study of Hegemony among Priests, Sages, and Laymen (Judaism and Jewish Life)" by Sigalit Ben-Zion (page 155), Yadin said: "it seems that this change came as a result of the order that was given by Bar Kokhba, who wanted to revive the Hebrew language and make it the official language of the state."
According to Jewish historian Josephus, Greek wasn't spoken in first century Israel. Josephus also points out the extreme rarity of a Jew knowing Greek.^[6]
Josephus wrote:

I have also taken a great deal of pains to obtain the learning of the Greeks, and understand the elements of the Greek language, although I have so long accustomed myself to speak our own tongue, that I cannot pronounce Greek with sufficient exactness; for our nation does not encourage those that learn the languages of many nations, and so adorn their discourses with the smoothness of their periods; because they look upon this sort of accomplishment as common, not only to all sorts of free-men, but to as many of the servants as please to learn them. But they give him the testimony of being a wise man who is fully acquainted with our laws, and is able to interpret their meaning; on which account, as there have been many who have done their endeavors with great patience to obtain this learning, there have yet hardly been so many as two or three that have succeeded therein, who were immediately well rewarded for their pains.

—Antiquities of Jews XX, XI

In the first century AD, the Aramaic language was widespread throughout the Middle East. This is supported by the testimony of Josephus in the book The Jewish War.^[7]
Josephus points out how people from what are now Iran, Iraq and remote parts of the Arabian Peninsula knew all about the war of the Jews against the Romans due to the books he wrote "in the language of our country", books which he then translated into Greek for the benefit of the Greeks and Romans:

I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterwards, [am the author of this work].

—Jewish Wars (Book 1, Preface, Paragraph 1)

I thought it therefore an absurd thing to see the truth falsified in affairs of such great consequence, and to take no notice of it; but to suffer those Greeks and Romans that were not in the wars to be ignorant of these things, and to read either flatteries or fictions, while the Parthians, and the Babylonians, and the remotest Arabians, and those of our nation beyond Euphrates, with the Adiabeni, by my means, knew accurately both whence the war begun, what miseries it brought upon us, and after what manner it ended.

—Jewish Wars (Book 1 Preface, Paragraph 2)

Aramaic phrases in the Greek New Testament

The Greek New Testament transliterates a few Semitic words. When the text itself refers to the language of such Semitic glosses, it uses words meaning "Hebrew"/"Jewish",^[8] but this term is often applied to unmistakably Aramaic words and phrases;^[9][10] for this reason, it is often interpreted as meaning "the (Aramaic) vernacular of the Jews" in recent translations.^[11] The "Semitisms" are mainly words attributed to Jesus by the Gospel of Mark, and perhaps had a special significance because of this.
A very small minority believe that most or all of the New Testament was originally written in Aramaic.^[12][13] However, such theories are rejected by mainstream Biblical scholarship. Traditionally parts of the Church of the East (Nestorian church) have also claimed originality for the Aramaic New Testament, though this is considered by scholars to be a translation from Greek. Instead, the consensus among mainstream academia is that although it is possible that there may be Aramaic source materials that underpin some portions of the New Testament, the New Testament was compiled and redacted in the Greek language. Scholars are also in agreement that there did exist at one time an early Aramaic/Hebrew version of a Jewish-Christian gospel, although its relation to the Greek gospels is not completely clear due to a lack of sources.

Talitha kum (Ταλιθα κουμ)

 Daughter of Jairus

Mark 5:41

And taking the hand of the child, he said to her, "Talitha kum", which translates as, "Little girl, I say to you, get up."

This verse gives an Aramaic phrase, attributed to Jesus bringing the girl back to life, with a transliteration into Greek, as ταλιθα κουμ.
A few Greek manuscripts (Codex Sinaiticus, Vaticanus) of Mark's Gospel have this form of the text, but others (Codex Alexandrinus, the text-type known as the Majority Text, and the Latin Vulgate) write κουμι (koumi) instead. The latter is in the Textus Receptus, and is the version that appears in the KJV.
The Aramaic is ţlīthā qūm. The word ţlīthā is the feminine form of the word ţlē, meaning "young". Qūm is the Aramaic verb 'to rise, stand, get up'. In the feminine singular imperative, it was originally 'qūmī'. However, there is evidence that in speech the final -ī was dropped so that the imperative did not distinguish between masculine and feminine genders. The older manuscripts, therefore, used a Greek spelling that reflected pronunciation, whereas the addition of an 'ι' was perhaps due to a bookish copyist.
In square script Aramaic, it could be טליתא קומי or טלתא קומי.

Ephphatha (Εφφαθα)

Healing the deaf mute of Decapolis

Mark 7:34

And looking up to heaven, he sighed and said to him, "Ephphatha," which is 'be opened'.

Once again, the Aramaic word is given with the transliteration, only this time the word to be transliterated is more complicated. In Greek, the Aramaic is written εφφαθα. This could be from the Aramaic 'ethpthaḥ', the passive imperative of the verb 'pthaḥ', 'to open', since the 'th' could assimilate in western Aramaic. The guttural 'ḥ' was often omitted in Greek transcriptions in the Septuagint (Greek Old Testament) and was also softened in Galilean speech,.^[14]
In Aramaic, it could be אתפתח or אפתח.

Abba (Αββα)

See also: Agony in the Garden

Mark 14:36

"Abba, Father," he said, "everything is possible for you. Take this cup from me. Yet not what I will, but what you will."

Abba, an originally Aramaic form borrowed into the Greek Old Testament as a name (2Chr 29:1), common in Mishnaic Hebrew and still used in Modern Hebrew^[15] (written Αββα in Greek, and 'abbā in Aramaic), is immediately followed by the Greek equivalent (Πατηρ) with no explicit mention of it being a translation. The phrase Abba, Father is repeated in Romans 8:15 and Galatians 4:6.
In Aramaic, it would be אבא.
Note, the name Barabbas is a Hellenization of the Aramaic Bar Abba (בר אבא), literally, "Son of the Father".

Raca (Ρακα)

See also: Matthew 5:22

Matthew 5:22

But I say unto you, That whosoever is angry with his brother [without a cause] shall be in danger of the judgment: and whosoever shall say to his brother, Raca, shall be in danger of the council: but whosoever shall say, Thou fool, shall be in danger of hell fire.

(the bracketed text does not appear in all recensions and is absent in the Latin Vulgate)
Raca, or Raka, in the Aramaic and Hebrew of the Talmud means empty one, fool, empty head.
In Aramaic, it could be ריקא or ריקה.

Mammon (Μαμωνας)

Main article: Mammon

See also: Matthew 6:24

Gospel of Matthew 6:24

No one can serve two masters: for either they will hate the one, and love the other; or else they will hold to the one, and despise the other. You cannot serve God and mammon.

Luke 16:9–13

And I say unto you, Make to yourselves friends of the mammon of unrighteousness; that, when ye fail, they may receive you into everlasting habitations. He that is faithful in that which is least is faithful also in much: and he that is unjust in the least is unjust also in much. If therefore ye have not been faithful in the unrighteous mammon, who will commit to your trust the true riches? And if ye have not been faithful in that which is another man's, who shall give you that which is your own? No servant can serve two masters: for either he will hate the one, and love the other; or else he will hold to the one, and despise the other. Ye cannot serve God and mammon.

2 Clement 6

Now the Lord declares, "No servant can serve two masters." If we desire, then, to serve both God and mammon, it will be unprofitable for us. "For what will it profit if a man gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?" This world and the next are two enemies. The one urges to adultery and corruption, avarice and deceit; the other bids farewell to these things. We cannot, therefore, be the friends of both; and it behoves us, by renouncing the one, to make sure of the other. Let us reckon that it is better to hate the things present, since they are trifling, and transient, and corruptible; and to love those [who are to come,] as being good and incorruptible. For if we do the will of Christ, we shall find rest; otherwise, nothing shall deliver us from eternal punishment, if we disobey His commandments. (Roberts-Donaldson)

In Aramaic, it could be ממון (or, in the typical Aramaic "emphatic" state suggested by the Greek ending, ממונא). This is usually considered to be an originally Aramaic word borrowed into rabbinic Hebrew,^[16] but its occurrence in late Biblical Hebrew and, reportedly, in 4th century Punic may indicate that it had a more general "common Semitic background".^[17]
In the New Testament the word Μαμωνᾶς—Mamōnâs—is declined like a Greek word, whereas many of the other Aramaic and Hebrew words are treated as indeclinable foreign words.

Rabbuni (Ραββουνει)

See also: Noli me tangere

John 20:16

Jesus saith unto her, Mary. She turned herself, and saith unto him, Rabboni; which is to say, Master. (KJV)

Also in Mark 10:51. Hebrew form rabbi used as title of Jesus in Matthew 26:25,49; Mark 9:5, 11:21, 14:45; John 1:49, 4:31, 6:25, 9:2, 11:8.
In Aramaic, it would have been רבוני.

Maranatha (Μαραναθα)

Main article: Maranatha

Didache 10 (Prayer after Communion)

.. Let grace come, and let this world pass away. Hosanna to the God (Son) of David! If any one is holy, let him come; if any one is not so, let him repent. Maranatha. Amen. (Roberts-Donaldson)

1 Corinthians 16:22

If any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be Anathema Maranatha.

Depending on how one selects to split the single Greek expression of the early manuscripts into Aramaic, it could be either מרנא תא (marana tha, "Lord, come!") or מרן אתא (maran atha, "Our Lord has come").

Eli Eli lema sabachthani (Ηλει Ηλει λεμα σαβαχθανει)

Main article: Sayings of Jesus on the cross

Matthew 27:46

Around the ninth hour, Jesus shouted in a loud voice, saying "Eli Eli lema sabachthani?" which is, "My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?"

Mark 15:34

And at the ninth hour, Jesus shouted in a loud voice, "Eloi Eloi lama sabachthani?" which is translated, "My God, my God, for what have you forsaken me?"

This phrase, shouted by Jesus from the cross, is given to us in these two versions. The Matthean version of the phrase is transliterated in Greek as ηλι ηλι λιμα σαβαχθανει. The Markan version is ελωι ελωι λιμα σαβαχθανει (elōi rather than il-ee and supposedly lama rather than lema).
Overall, both versions appear to be Aramaic rather than Hebrew because of the verb שבק (šbq) "abandon", which is originally Aramaic.^[15][18] The "pure" Biblical Hebrew counterpart to this word, עזב (`zb) is seen in the first line of Psalm 22, which the saying appears to quote. Thus, Jesus is not quoting the canonical Hebrew version (êlî êlî lâmâ `^azabtânî); he may be quoting the version given in an Aramaic Targum (surviving Aramaic Targums do use šbq in their translations of the Psalm 22 ^[19]).
The Markan word for "my god", ελωι, definitely corresponds to the Aramaic form אלהי, elāhî. The Matthean one, ηλι, fits in better with the אלי of the original Hebrew Psalm, as has been pointed out in the literature; however, it may also be Aramaic, because this form is attested abundantly in Aramaic as well.^[18][20]
In the following verse, in both accounts, some who hear Jesus' cry imagine that he is calling for help from Elijah (Ēlīyā in Aramaic).
Almost all ancient Greek manuscripts show signs of trying to normalize this text. For instance, the peculiar Codex Bezae renders both versions with ηλι ηλι λαμα ζαφθανι (ēli ēli lama zaphthani). The Alexandrian, Western and Caesarean textual families all reflect harmonization of the texts between Matthew and Mark. Only the Byzantine textual tradition preserves a distinction.
The Aramaic word form šəbaqtanî is based on the verb šəbaq/šābaq, 'to allow, to permit, to forgive, and to forsake', with the perfect tense ending -t (2nd person singular: 'you'), and the object suffix -anî (1st person singular: 'me').
In Aramaic, it could be אלהי אלהי למא שבקתני.

Jot and tittle (Ἰῶτα ἓν ἢ μία κεραία)

See also: Matthew 5:18

Matthew 5:18

For assuredly, I say to you, till heaven and earth pass away, one jot or one tittle will by no means pass from the Law (that is, the Torah) till all is fulfilled.

The quotation uses them as an example of extremely minor details. In the Greek text translated as English jot and tittle is found iota and keraia. Iota is the smallest letter of the Greek alphabet (ι), but since only capitals were used at the time the Greek New Testament was written (Ι), it probably represents the Aramaic yodh (י) which is the smallest letter of the Aramaic alphabet. Keraia is a hook or serif.

Korban (Κορβαν)

See also: Judas Iscariot § Death

Matthew 27:6

But the chief priests, taking the pieces of silver, said, ‘It is not lawful to put them into the treasury, since they are blood money.’

In Aramaic (קרבנא) it refers to the treasury in the Temple in Jerusalem, derived from the Hebrew Korban (קרבן), found in Mark 7:11 and the Septuagint (in Greek transliteration), meaning religious gift or offering.
The Greek κορβανᾶς is declined as a Greek noun, much like other examples.